The eight community development types and respective case studies
examined in the first phase of this study exhibit, to varying
degrees, principles for sustainable community design. The community
development types are defined by patterns generated over historic
periods and in response to changes in design, transportation technology,
policy, or society. At least two case studies were examined for
each of the community development types, typically one in Florida
and one located elsewhere in the United States. The types and
case studies are:
1. Pre-20th Century Urban Centers
Case studies examined for Pre-20th Century Urban Centers exhibit
all principles identified for sustainable community design, due
in large part to the fact that they were developed prior to automobile
transportation and have been redeveloped over time.
Ybor City, Tampa, Florida
Ybor City was created as a company
town, ~n which all of the daily activities and needs of the residents
were provided. Its early development occurred as neighborhoods
surrounding cigar factories. A commercial main street supported
the community, and civic uses were located along or near the main
street. Ybor City was laid out with a grid of streets, which provided
easy pedestrian access between the residential, manufacturing,
commercial, and civic uses. The community's boundaries were defined
by undeveloped land
In the years following the Great Depression, Ybor City lost industry
and population. Urban renewal activities in the 1970s cleared
blocks of Ybor's housing and commercial buildings. These vacant
blocks are gradually being redeveloped with a range of residential
and commercial functions. While Ybor City today is viewed as an
arts and entertainment district within the City of Tampa, a focus
on new residential development would enhance its sustainable design
features.
Back Bay, Boston, Massachusetts
Back Bay, designed as a speculative
residential and cultural district in the mid-1800s, functions
today as a dense, mixed-use urban district. The original grid
block system and mid-rise building pattern continues to provide
a fine grain mix of uses within walking distance of each other.
While residents may travel throughout the metropolitan area for
daily activities such as work and shopping, these uses can also
be found within Back Bay. Alternative transportation modes are
proximate to all parts of Back Bay. including subway, bus, automobile,
bicycle and pedestrian.
Neighborhoods were designed for pedestrian and carriage movement.
Uses were mixed within blocks and often within buildings. Redevelopment
activities of the Back Bay have increased densities and strengthened
the diversity of uses, as former single-family townhouses were
converted into apartments, offices, and retail uses. In nearly
all aspects, Back Bay can be regarded as an excellent example
of a sustainable urban community.
2. Pre-World War II Suburbs
Case studies of Pre-World War II Suburbs reveal a reduction
in densities and increase in area when compared with Pre-20th
Century Urban Centers. The Suburb cases were linked to a metropolitan
center by rail, as well as by roadway. Streetcars served a primary
role in transportation when these case studies were developed;
today, the automobile is the primary vehicle. Several sustainable
community design principles are apparent in these case studies,
however.
Winter Park, Florida
Winter Park was founded as a
resort community in the late 1800s. Over time, it matured into
a year-round community with a thriving commercial district, private
college, and rail connection to nearby Orlando. The original plan
for Winter Park defined the grid street pattern, commercial main
street fronting a central park, as well as residential and civic
properties. Like a small town, the uses tend to be segregated
as districts, although the area allowed pedestrian access between
the commercial center and neighborhoods. While this historic community
pattern is still apparent, post-World War II commercial development
along the western edge of Winter Park eliminates its former boundaries.
Regarded today as an attractive suburb to Orlando, Winter Park
has little vacant land, and its historic center and neighborhoods
are undergoing selective infill and redevelopment at increased
densities
Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
While originally a rural village,
Chestnut Hill blossomed as a railroad suburb of Philadelphia in
the mid-1800s. One family developed the residential neighborhoods
and civic amenities which attracted upper middle class families
from the congestion and pollution of Philadelphia. An informal
grid pattern links the residential neighborhoods with civic and
commercial uses located at rail stations. A primary commercial
district grew along Germantown Avenue, the route connecting Chestnut
Hill with Philadelphia. The boundaries of this suburban community
have remained intact along three sides, defined by an open space
system of the Wissahickon Valley and Cresheim Creek. The fourth
side of Chestnut Hill is currently contiguous with other suburban
development. These surrounding developments have caused the roadways
of Chestnut Hill to suffer from increased automobile congestion.
However, public transit, via trains, buses, and trolleys continue
to link the various parts of the community and the larger metropolitan
area. Since the 1950s, the community has worked to improve the
pedestrian environment.
4. Planned Unit Developments
Planned Unit Developments were conceived as an alternative
to postWorld War II sprawl through coordinated mixed use land
development. The approved plan for the development determines
the density and location of uses. As the range of uses and size
of development varies greatly among Planned Unit Developments,
they must be reviewed individually with regards to sustainable
community design principles.
Sun City Center, Florida
Sun City Center was envisioned
as a self-contained retirement community in the 1 960s, and functions
as such today. Residential districts are organized along winding
streets and golf course fairways. A commercial area fronts onto
a state highway which bisects the community, and recreation centers
serve as the replacement for employment. The low density development
and discontinuous street pattern preclude pedestrian access to
a mix of uses. However, golf carts and bicycles are used extensively
by residents for access throughout the community. With the exception
of the state highway, this community does not connect with its
rural surroundings. In Addition, the fact that the residents of
Sun City Center are retired creates a non-typical community structure.
Twin Rivers, East Windsor, New Jersey
Twin Rivers was modeled after
the post-World War II new towns of Columbia and Reston, as a fully-functioning
community, within commuting distance of New York City and Philadelphia.
Four neighborhoods were created, using a "superblock"
street pattern which allows uninterrupted pedestrian access between
housing, schools, open space, and commercial uses. This pattern,
and the mix of residential densities and proximity to other uses,
offers viable alternatives to automobile transportation for daily
activities. Like Sun City Center, a state highway bisects the
community and serves as the frontage for commercial uses. While
an express bus service was provided for commuters to New York
City, Twin Rivers includes an industrial area as a source of jobs.
The community seems to have matured well: in 1990, Twin Rivers
received the New Jersey Chapter of the Community Associates Institute
"Community of the Year" award.
5. Mixed Use Activity Center
The case used as Mixed Use
Activity Centers offer a range of contexts and conditions. Some
sustainable community design principles are found, including density,
a fine grain mix of uses, and pedestrian accessibility to activities
within the centers. However, these developments vary in their
contributions to and relationship with surrounding communities.
Mizuer Park, Boca Raton, Florida
A commercial, retail, residential, and civic center, Mizner
Park was developed on the site of a former shopping mall as a
new 'Main Street" for downtown Boca Raton. With a mix of
uses and organization along the central "Plaza Real"
it has been profitable since opening in 1991. However, the project
does not link with its surroundings. The Main Street stops at
the ends of the project, serving as a place rather than a connection.
While Mizner Park is well designed for pedestrians, most have
to reach the project by auto. Parking structures line Federal
Highway, offering few clues about the nature of the place. A bus
stop is at a far end of the project; it is not well-connected
to the Plaza.
Crocker Center, Boca Raton, Florida
Crocker Center, built in the 1980s, is located on the I-95
corridor west of central Boca Raton. The project contains a mix
of hotel, retail, and office uses centered around a courtyard
and surrounded by parking. Although the density and mix of uses
create a pedestrian friendly internal environment, the project
is isolated from adjacent properties and accessible only by a
major roadway, even though its location offers an alternative
means of access: Crocker Center abuts the right-of-way of the
Tri-Rail commuter rail. While plans are underway for station 1/4
mile north of the development Crocker Center itself could serve
as the station site and as an impetus for even further density.
Lenox, Atlanta, Georgia
Unlike Mizner Park and Crocker Center, the Lenox area of Atlanta
was developed incrementally by multiple developers. In an affluent
suburb of Atlanta, a regional shopping mall built in the late
l950's served as the hub for subsequent office and retail development.
With each development designed for automobile access, traffic
congestion and parking problems followed. In 1975, Atlanta identified
Lenox as a "high intensity mixed use station" for its
MARTA rail line. The provision of a rail station at Lenox, with
the lease of air rights for additional development, brought increased
density and mix of uses. Additional commitments to improving the
pedestrian environment are creating an even more successful center
for this area.
Seaside is located on the Gulf
Coast of the Florida Panhandle, west of the resort-lined beaches
of Panama City. As the first built example of Neo-Traditional
Town Planning principles, it has become more a tourist attraction
than a community. Duany and Plater-Zyberk planned this 80 acre
development as a small town, with residences surrounding a commercial
and civic center. The residential areas link to each other and
the center by a radial grid street pattern. This pattern includes
a hierarchy of street widths and types and creates a pleasant
walking environment.
Located in metropolitan Washington,
D.C., Kentlands was designed in the 1980s as a new community offering
"small-town charm." While street network and residential
areas have been completed, the civic and commercial uses remain
to be developed. Kentlands is bounded by arterial roadways on
three sides, and currently is accessible only by auto. Kentlands
contains five neighborhoods, each arranged with a grid pattern
of streets and focused on a civic or commercial center. A path
and street system links the residences with these centers, open
space, and each other.
7. Urban Service Areas / Urban Growth Areas
Unlike the other development types discussed, Urban Service
Areas and Urban Growth Areas are planning tools which affect the
location of non-rural development and allocation of public infrastructure.
While some principles of sustainable community design are not
specifically addressed by these two mechanisms, both affect the
development of rural or agricultural land.
As suggested by its name, an Urban Service Area is the area which
receives urban services such as sewer and water. Jurisdictions
designate the boundaries of Urban Service Areas as a means for
phasing capital improvements, given the location and density of
allowed and existing development. The designation of Urban Growth
Areas, however, articulates where urban-level densities and use
intensities can occur. The boundaries of an Urban Growth Area
are determined by population forecasts, such that growth can be
accommodated over a specified period.
Orange County, Florida
Given its rapid growth since
the 1950s, Orange County adopted an Urban Service Area as part
of its 1980 Comprehensive Plan. The Urban Service Area was designated
for providing services for an area to accommodate anticipated
growth over the next 15 years. Thus, the boundary will continue
to expand as development occurs within the Urban Service Area.
The rate of expansion is affected by the type and rate of growth.
Policies in the 1990 update of the Plan included provisions for
more integrated and efficient development patterns via activity
centers, urban villages, and traditional neighborhood developments.
Additionally, urban infill and redevelopment projects were encouraged.
However, large Developments of Regional Impact (DRIB) have been
proposed just outside the designated Urban Service Area, and the
boundaries were expanded. Given this pattern, a planner for Orange
County predicts that the Urban Service Area will encompass the
entire county by the next 50 years.
Portland, Oregon
In response to rapid suburban
growth and loss of agricultural land and forests, the state of
Oregon passed legislation in 1973 requiring all incorporated cities
to designate urban growth boundaries. In metropolitan Portland,
26 cities formed an elected regional government, METRO, to administer
the designation of the urban growth boundary.
The area within the urban growth boundary was deemed sufficient
for growth through the year 2000, with an additional 15.8% added
as a "market factor".
Although the urban growth boundary preserved rural land outside
its limits, low-density suburban development continued within
the urban growth area. In 1990, METRO initiated a planning process
to identify desired patterns of growth. Additionally, a proposed
freeway bypass, much of which ran outside the urban growth area,
generated an alternative proposal by 1000 Friends of Oregon for
rail transit with dense, mixed use development at station areas.
Architect Peter Calthorpe, recognized as an advocate for "neo-traditional
planning", consulted on the alternative's development patterns.
Another initiative which may affect the pattern of growth within
the urban growth boundary is the state's "Transportation
Planning Rule" adopted in 1991. This rule requires metropolitan
Portland to reduce vehicle miles traveled by 10% over the next
20 years and 20% over the next 30 years. Higher density, more
mixed-use development patterns can support alternative forms of
transportation and reduce vehicular use.
8. Sprawl
Sprawl exemplifies the antithesis
of all sustainable community design principles. As defined by
the Florida Department of Community Affairs, sprawl "refers
to the scattered, untimely, poorly planned urban development that
occurs in urban fringe and rural areas and frequently invades
lands important for environmental and natural resource protection."
It is characterized by three forms:
1. vast areas of low-density single use development (typically
single family residences);
2. continuous strip retail development; and
3. leapfrog development, occurring beyond but not independent
of an urban area, such that the space between becomes developed
as well.
The case studies examined for this development type address each
form of sprawl
Lutz, Hillsborough County, Florida
The origins of Lutz, situated approximately 10 miles north
of downtown Tampa, draw from the turn-of-the-century expansion
of railroad lines throughout Florida. In 1907, a rail line and
land development company entered a sparsely settled logging area
to create the community of Lutz. This community grew steadily
with the development of a U.S. highway through its center. After
World War II, however, the farmland and forests separating Lutz
from Tampa disappeared as single family residential developments
cropped up. While remnants of the historic town grid remain, the
surrounding area consists of cur-de-sacs. The incremental and
disconnected residential developments have led to increased traffic
congestion on through roads, a degradation of water quality in
the many lakes surrounding Lutz, and a loss of habitat and farmland.
Long-time residents are frustrated by these impacts, as well as
plans for widening roadways to accommodate future traffic.
Tampa Palms, Florida
Planned as a "community
of distinctive quality and elegance," Tampa Palms is sited
between I-275 and I-75 approximately 12 miles north of downtown
Tampa. Tampa Palms illustrates the concept of leapfrog development
with its reliance on metropolitan Tampa for employment, yet its
location a mile beyond the previous city limits of Tampa. During
the course of its development, the City of Tampa annexed Tampa
Palms. The once-rural area in between Tampa Palms and the City
limits has developed with low-density residential projects and
commercial strips
While billed as a community, Tampa Palms functions much like Las
Colinas, as a series of disconnected, single-use pods. The 5,400
acre project contains residences, retail space, office space,
a school, and recreational and conservation space, yet each use
is a discrete district Likewise, residences are separated according
to price range. These separations occur by a discontinuous road
pattern, in which residential areas consist of a series of cur-de-sacs,
as well as by walls and dedicated open space
Tampa Palms demonstrates an undesired
ramification of creating distinct boundaries between communities;
that of isolation. Access is gained to the development only by
automobile, and mass transit does not serve the area nor the development.
With only one set of entries into the community from the state
road which bisects it, Tampa Palms offers its residents and visitors
no alternative approaches. Like the discontinuous residential
development in Lutz, Tampa Palm's vehicular traffic is funneled
onto one road. Additionally, the circulation pattern and scale
of the development precludes viable options to the automobile
for daily activities within the community. Each residential cul-de-sac
feeds onto a major roadway through the development, on which are
sited other uses. Despite the provision of separated pedestrian
paths, the distances between uses or neighborhoods are great
Dale Mabry Highway, Hillsborough County, Florida
Dale Mabry Highway, originally built as a military transportation
route between air fields during World War II, has been cited in
the Wall Street Journal as a "blue ribbon contender"
if "prizes were given for the ugliest urban road in America".
Dale Mabry Highway extends 21.6 miles through suburban Tampa,
and offers snapshots of commercial strip development since 1940.
The southernmost portion of the highway is four lanes wide, fronted
by small parcels of retail businesses and continuous curb cuts.
The age of the commercial development generally becomes more recent
as one moves north. The travel speed and number of lanes increase,
as well as the retail frontage, depth, and building setback. At
the northern edge of the commercial strip, there are eight lanes
of traffic moving 55 miles per hour, and billboard sized signs
with vast parking lots front the highway. The retail uses along
Dale Mabry do not connect with residential or other uses behind
them; access is focused only on the automobile dominated highway.
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© 1994 Center for Urban Transportation Research